May 15, 2008

Man from El Salvador

The online source Upside Down World has a long and meaty interview with Mauricio Funes, presidential candidate of the Salvadoran guerrilla-group-turned-party FMLN. The FMLN currently holds the second largest bloc of seats in the Salvadoran Congress and the mayoralties of many major cities, including San Salvador. Opinion polls, although some a bit out of date, give the FMLN an advantage in El Salvador's elections in March 2009 or put it about even with the ruling, conservative Arena party.

Funes calls the trade agreement with the United States

a reality we can't ignore, and just as we can't ignore it, we can't be irresponsible and announce that if we do not reach the presidency, we are going to encourage a revocation of the treaty. Since it is an international agreement, the participation of the other parties is also required in order to be able to carry out the process, including its revisions.

Sounds like he wants to keep options open on revising the treaty. But he also says

We cannot revoke the Free Trade Agreement...let me explain. The Free Trade Agreement...the FMLN did not oppose it. It opposed the way in which the treaty was approved, without consultation, or the participation of societal forces.

Funes sounds quite pragmatic throughout. When asked whom he prefers in the U.S. presidential election, Funes wisely ducks the question and then turns it around to make it about the Salvadoran election. Referring to U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs Tom Shannon, he says

Mr. Shannon is an official and diplomat with much pragmatism, and is much more respectful of Latin American relationship [sic] to such an extent that he has instructed officials at the US Embassy in El Salvador to not give any statement or to back a certain party's initiatives or criticize the other's, and so be as respectful as possible in a process that is of concern to many Salvadorans.

A clever comeback from Funes -- who do I prefer in your election? I prefer you to stay out of my election.

But then, you would expect no less from a former television interviewer.

May 13, 2008

High (and Dry) Andes

Farmland_near_maras_peru_2 Climate change could take a devastating toll on Andean agriculture within 20 years, as glaciers dry up and rainfall levels become more erratic. This story from the Lima paper La República suggests the damage could be much greater than El Niño events that periodically shatter Andean economies.  El Niño tends to cause drought in the Andean highlands and floods along the coast; from the sound of it, global warming would cause pretty much constant drought in the Andes.

(Photo: Maras, Peru, 2007)

May 12, 2008

Banana Wars

ChiquitaWhat is it about bananas that brings out the worst pathologies in U.S. relations with Latin America? First it was the United Fruit Company and its instigation of the 1954 coup in Guatemala, then Chiquita paying protection money to the AUC paramilitary squad in Colombia -- Chiquita and possibly other companies, as a good report on the CBS program "60 Minutes" showed last night. The imprisoned former leader of the AUC, Salvatore Mancuso, says

"They paid taxes because we were like a state in the area, and because we were providing them with protection which enabled them to continue making investments and a financial profit."

Well worth watching.

Some good news from Colombia -- and not just for Colombia, but for the fading business of newspapers everywhere -- comes in the form of the return of El Espectador to daily publication after a seven-year hiatus. One of South America's most distinguished papers, El Espectador was forced by adverse market conditions to go weekly in 2001. But it's back, and we at WOLA look forward to reading again its distinctive mix of hard-hitting investigation, probing interviews and lively opinion.

May 09, 2008

Former Farmers

Small farmers in Colombia's Pacific coast lowlands are forced off their land by heat-packing paramilitary groups, and the land is then turned over to businessmen who plant African oil palm for export. If the small farmers are ever able to return, they find their land almost unrecognizable and given over to vast plantations of oil palm mono-crop (like the one above, which is actually in Costa Rica). Violence often erupts.

This, reduced to its essence, is what has happened to a long list of Colombian communities. There is a food security issue here, but it's also about the right to a decent livelihood and the rule of law for the rural poor. Often the original farmers had no legal title to the land despite having lived there for generations.

Three Colombian women were in Washington this week to talk about this and other issues involving human rights, land ownership and labor in Colombia with members of Congress and their staffs, union representatives, and non-governmental organizations. One of them, economist Aura Rodríguez, said on Radio Diaspora:

If you look on a map and see where the largest African oil palm projects have been, you will see that it coincides almost exactly with the areas of the greatest violence and the greatest displacement of people.

To hear the full interview (in Spanish), click here.

May 08, 2008

Defending the Defenders II

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Francisco Soberón (left) of the Peruvian human rights group Aprodeh, looking relaxed as he makes a point today at CEJIL in Washington. Next to him are Eduardo Bertoni of the Due Process of Law Foundation and WOLA's John Walsh.

(Photo courtesy of Gerardo Moloeznik)

Stopping Gang Violence

Last year, the Bush Administration announced the Mérida Initiative, a package of U.S. security aid for Mexico and five Central American countries. It was intended to address a long list of crime problems ranging from drug-trafficking to gangs to corruption.

Geoff Thale, WOLA's program director, testified in Congress today on the package's Central America component. It includes many positive aspects, he said.

But it also contains some misguided ideas about where to spend money on ending gang violence. If there is one thing that all serious research on Central American gangs has shown, it's that they aren't mainly a transnational phenomenon. They require community-based, preventive responses that are tailored to the particular kinds of problems that gangs pose in a particular place. Yes, gangs are a serious security challenge, but it's a mistake to see them as cross-border criminal enterprises stretching from Central America to the United States. Gangs in San Salvador have only very tenuous ties to those in Virginia or Los Angeles, according to numerous studies (and this one).

Yet the Merida Initiative focuses on the transnational aspects of gang violence. These include:

a regional fingerprint database, ... stationing of FBI agents with experience in gang violence in the U.S. in embassies in Central America, and ... training Central American police in transnational gang issues.

Most youth gang related crime in Central America is domestic, rather than international.  That is, it involves homicides, extortion, assault, and other crimes which are not fundamentally transnational in nature, but which threaten citizen security in Central America.

Geoff recommended instead putting up at least 30 percent of Mérida's funding to gang prevention and rehabilitation in Central America over the next three years, and that police training programs

be re-oriented to support more effective strategies in confronting the major problems that gangs actually cause in Central America itself.

Read his full testimony here.

Defending the Defenders

Human rights activists constantly have their motives questioned. It practically comes with the job. When they defend the idea that basic legal rights apply to everyone, even to those who have committed crimes or violent acts, they're accused of secretly sympathizing with such people.

It's an outrageous charge, whether it's leveled at lawyers defending the rights of prisoners in Guantánamo or groups in Latin America criticizing abuses by security forces. The fact that rights groups also criticize -- regularly and loudly and sometimes at great risk to their safety -- the atrocities committed by rogue groups ranging from Al Qaeda to Shining Path never gets noticed by those who make such accusations.

It's not often that this dynamic reaches such an intemperate level as in the current controversy in Peru over the Asociación Pro Derechos Humanos, or Aprodeh. The country's vice president called Francisco Soberón, Aprodeh's founder and a distinguished human rights lawyer, a "notorious rabble-rouser who will be held accountable one day by the Peruvian state." President Alan García called him a traitor to the nation. Other government officials have called for Aprodeh to be shut down.

The cause of this ire is a letter that Aprodeh submitted to the European Parliament, at the parliament's request, advising against adding a now-defunct guerrilla group, the MRTA, to the European Union's list of international terrorist organizations.  MRTA has been completely inactive for at least eight years. That's why it was not already on the European list; nor is it listed as a terrorist group by the United States. The State Department's full report on terrorism on Peru makes no mention at all of MRTA. It's history.

Aprodeh's letter clearly condemns the acts of terror committed by MRTA when it was active (in the late 1980s and 1990s). So why the anger directed at Aprodeh? 

The group spearheaded the extradition of former president Alberto Fujimori, who is now on trial in Lima on charges of human rights abuses and corruption. The Fujimori trial is an example of what a better Latin America will look like -- a former strongman being held accountable for his actions in an open, transparent process.  But it has earned Aprodeh some powerful enemies, including a leader of Fujimori's party in the Peruvian Congress, a source for one very impressionable columnist. (Here's an answer.) 

Francisco Soberón is in Washington this week and will give a talk today at the Center for Justice and International Law (CEJIL), together with Eduardo Bertoni, executive director of the Washington-based Due Process of Law Foundation. The event is sponsored by CEJIL and WOLA.

May 01, 2008

Altagracia Fuentes II

Miles_de_obreros_conmemoran_el_1_de The murder of Honduran labor leader Altagracia Fuentes continues to reverberate. Today, on International Labor Day, workers affiliated with the country's three labor confederations marched together through the streets of Tegucigalpa and San Pedro Sula to air their demands, including justice for the slain secretary-general of the Confederación de Trabajadores de Honduras.

Gunmen ambushed Fuentes on a highway and killed her along with a former treasurer of the confederation, Yolanda Virginia Sánchez, and their driver Juan Bautista Aceituno on April 23.

The U.S. Ambassador Charles Ford issued a statement last night commemorating Fuentes and alluding to the investigation into her killing. No link available yet, but we received the statement via Email and it reads in part:

I knew Altagracia well. She was a great leader who believed in peaceful demonstrations to express the needs of the workers she represented. I join everyone in Honduras and those in the international community who are supporting the Government of Honduras's vigorous investigation of Altagracia's death. Those responsible for her death must be brought to justice.

WOLA certainly hopes the ambassador is right about the "vigorous investigation." News stories on the probe so far, however, suggest more confusion than vigor.

(Photograph courtesy of El Heraldo, Tegucigalpa)

Petra Barth II

Petra_barth_picture_ii_4

Managua, Nicaragua

(Copyright: Petra Barth. All rights reserved.)

April 30, 2008

Dominican Republic: Labor Rights, Labor Wrongs III

This is the third installment of WOLA Senior Associate Vicki Gass' running report on her trip to the Dominican Republic and Central America to inspect labor conditions under the DR-CAFTA trade agreement.

In previous posts, she reported on conditions faced by undocumented Haitian workers and on the overall labor situation before the presidential elections on May 16.

Adding to the crisis in the Dominican Republic's labor force is the hemorrhaging of jobs in the Free Trade Zone. Estimates of direct job losses range from 60,000 to 70,000 in the last two years, and there have been countless indirect job losses. The government blames in the part the end of the Multi-Fiber Agreement, which has increased costs internally, and the appreciation of the national currency, the real, against the dollar. Plants are either closing down completely or moving to Nicaragua or Honduras, where labor costs are said to be cheaper. The areas hardest hit have been Santiago and San Pedro.

What has the Fernández government done to stem the hemorrhage? In essence, it has bailed out the multinationals in the Free Trade Zone by giving employers $2,000 reales per employee, subsidizing energy and water costs, and reducing docking charges for ships that come to receive goods. What has the government done for the workers who have lost their jobs? Nothing. Nor are there any policies or plans to build jobs. The options for those laid-off workers are to fade into the informal sector, return to their families in the countryside, or migrate.

Workers in the formal sector are regularly denied the right to form unions or carry out collective bargaining and are forced to work overtime and on a 4 x 4 schedule.  A 4 x 4 schedule means four days on (12 hours per day for the first 3 days, 6 the fourth) followed by four days off, making it difficult for workers with families to have a set schedule.  Workers also argue that they work more hours than for what they are paid. 

The problem is not that labor laws in the Dominican Republic are not good. It's the lack of enforcement and the fact that employers willfully and blatantly prevent unions from being formed through harassment or illegal firings. They form parallel workers associations, buy off union leaders, and intimidate would-be rank-and-file.

The case of the workers at the TOS Dominicana plant in Bonao is a patent example of an employer's disregard for workers' right to unionize. The multinational corporation Hanes Brands owns the factory where, over a year ago, worker began to organize a union. Managers fired workers, intimidated them and bought off would-be members by raising wages to an average minimum wage of $35 a week. Despite the increase, organizers were able to gain enough signatures to form a union, and last summer international organizations like WOLA, the Workers Rights Consortium and the Solidarity Center pressured the Dominican Secretariat of Labor to conduct a verification process on the union. The verification process was successful but Hanes refused to accept the Secretariat's findings on a technicality. It wasn't until a delegation of workers went to San Francisco to meet with a Hanes representative in November that management in the Dominican Republic agreed to recognize the union. Even with negotiations under way for a collective contract, the company continues to use delaying tactics such as sending people who do not have decision-making power.

This case is not an exception. The State Department's 2007 Human Rights Report states that labor rights are routinely violated. Regarding illegal firings, the report says the "law forbidding companies from firing union organizers or members was enforced inconsistently, and penalties were insufficient to deter employers from violating workers' rights."  It adds that workers are routinely harrassed and intimidated, that few companies have collective bargaining pacts, and mandatory overtime is a common practice.

The government is attempting legislative reforms that, rather than strengthening the rights of workers, weaken them.  Recently a law was passed that changed how workers are compensated when let go from their employment.  Prior to the change in the law, workers accumulated a certain amount of time for each year they were employed.  So, if one worked for five years, she or he would be eligible for three months pay.  The new law allows employers to pay off workers each year, so workers don’t accumulate savings over a period of time until the job ends.  Although implementation of the law is blocked because a court declared it illegal, it is a clear sign of the legal maneuvers to curtail workers'  rights.

The government's Commerce Minister was quoted in the press as saying, prior to my arrival, that the country has been unable to attract more investment because the labor code protects workers too much. I guess these legal measures are intended to improve conditions for investors.